On parle du petrole "arabe" en Afrique du Nord:
Algerian Gas and Maghreb Construction:
The most important fixed economic development that has not been affected by political differences is the transportation of Algerian natural gas to Spain via Morocco.
This happened in the years of political ease between the two neighboring countries and was met in Spain by engaging in a larger project that was being depended upon for marketing Algerian gas at a profitable cost in Europe. It seemed then that the project embarrassed the European partners; at least the gas suppliers must not put barriers to agricultural and textile products coming from countries of the southern Mediterranean countries. Trade should either be open and reciprocal, or something else that has nothing to do with the prospects of partnership and the terms of development assistance. Just as supplying oil and gas reflects the growing need of the industrial countries, the preferential dimension in the Maghreb-EU relations is supposed to be crystallized in procedures allowing a similar flow of goods, products and people within a framework of respect for relevant laws. However, the EU regulations give access to products only, and stringently restrict the movement of people.
The Algerian-Spanish crisis over raising gas prices appears normal from its commercial and economic aspect as long as the items of such agreements take into account the development in prices according to the mechanism of supply and demand. It is possible in such cases to resort to the agreement's legal reference, or request arbitration and dialogue to overcome difficulties, so long as the matter is related to the reconsideration of only some parts of the agreement, not the whole of it.
Morocco, in turn, was linked to Spain with a coastal fishing agreement. As Spain joined the European Common Market, Morocco saw that such a crucial agreement would be more effective with the EU. Although the negotiations to renew the agreement were arduous, the obvious political understanding between Rabat and Madrid helped to bridge the gap.
In other words, political understanding helps to contain the transit economic crises. The Arab Maghreb gas project used to be seen as a firm economic base that could withstand political upheavals, but it seems that political disagreements could hamper economic projects. In North Africa in particular, common ties, interests and objectives could not help overcome the aforementioned obstacle ahead of the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU). The status of the borders and the regional economic situation were less isolated than they have been after the establishment of the union - at least in terms of border economy recovery, which has become a source of concern in light of the growing illegal emigration, flourishing smuggling trade and drugs, as well as the increasing risk of terrorism.
Now Algeria is alone in the face of a crisis with Spain. It is well known that coordinated standpoints, at least with Morocco via which the Algerian gas passes, could have helped strike a balance in views, even in case the Algerian stance is seen as an expression of sovereignty, an issue in which no other party should have the right to interfere. When the Spaniards say that their relationship with Morocco will not be at the expense of Algeria and that they will not open up on the latter at the expense of the former, they are reducing the primary concerns of this balance by associating their dynamic strategy with the presence of interests.
In a very short time, Madrid appeared on the scene in North Africa during the era of former Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar in an attempt to compete with the traditional influence of Paris. However, the incumbent socialist Prime Minister, Jose Luis Zapatero, has become certain that the European space and accord with France have no alternative. When the Sahara Agreement, which includes France, Spain, Morocco and Algeria, was put up, Zapatero was more confident that it was the wide path for rearranging relations with the North African countries. Today, Spanish Foreign Minister, Miguel Angel Moratinos, says that there is a new dynamism. Will the Maghreb States be engaged in this dynamism and the Spanish-Algerian gas crisis become just a station for the Algerian negotiator to seek Moroccan support?
Source:
http://english.daralhayat.com/opini...150d20-c0a8-10ed-01b2-ede876346666/story.html
Algerian Gas and Maghreb Construction:
The most important fixed economic development that has not been affected by political differences is the transportation of Algerian natural gas to Spain via Morocco.
This happened in the years of political ease between the two neighboring countries and was met in Spain by engaging in a larger project that was being depended upon for marketing Algerian gas at a profitable cost in Europe. It seemed then that the project embarrassed the European partners; at least the gas suppliers must not put barriers to agricultural and textile products coming from countries of the southern Mediterranean countries. Trade should either be open and reciprocal, or something else that has nothing to do with the prospects of partnership and the terms of development assistance. Just as supplying oil and gas reflects the growing need of the industrial countries, the preferential dimension in the Maghreb-EU relations is supposed to be crystallized in procedures allowing a similar flow of goods, products and people within a framework of respect for relevant laws. However, the EU regulations give access to products only, and stringently restrict the movement of people.
The Algerian-Spanish crisis over raising gas prices appears normal from its commercial and economic aspect as long as the items of such agreements take into account the development in prices according to the mechanism of supply and demand. It is possible in such cases to resort to the agreement's legal reference, or request arbitration and dialogue to overcome difficulties, so long as the matter is related to the reconsideration of only some parts of the agreement, not the whole of it.
Morocco, in turn, was linked to Spain with a coastal fishing agreement. As Spain joined the European Common Market, Morocco saw that such a crucial agreement would be more effective with the EU. Although the negotiations to renew the agreement were arduous, the obvious political understanding between Rabat and Madrid helped to bridge the gap.
In other words, political understanding helps to contain the transit economic crises. The Arab Maghreb gas project used to be seen as a firm economic base that could withstand political upheavals, but it seems that political disagreements could hamper economic projects. In North Africa in particular, common ties, interests and objectives could not help overcome the aforementioned obstacle ahead of the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU). The status of the borders and the regional economic situation were less isolated than they have been after the establishment of the union - at least in terms of border economy recovery, which has become a source of concern in light of the growing illegal emigration, flourishing smuggling trade and drugs, as well as the increasing risk of terrorism.
Now Algeria is alone in the face of a crisis with Spain. It is well known that coordinated standpoints, at least with Morocco via which the Algerian gas passes, could have helped strike a balance in views, even in case the Algerian stance is seen as an expression of sovereignty, an issue in which no other party should have the right to interfere. When the Spaniards say that their relationship with Morocco will not be at the expense of Algeria and that they will not open up on the latter at the expense of the former, they are reducing the primary concerns of this balance by associating their dynamic strategy with the presence of interests.
In a very short time, Madrid appeared on the scene in North Africa during the era of former Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar in an attempt to compete with the traditional influence of Paris. However, the incumbent socialist Prime Minister, Jose Luis Zapatero, has become certain that the European space and accord with France have no alternative. When the Sahara Agreement, which includes France, Spain, Morocco and Algeria, was put up, Zapatero was more confident that it was the wide path for rearranging relations with the North African countries. Today, Spanish Foreign Minister, Miguel Angel Moratinos, says that there is a new dynamism. Will the Maghreb States be engaged in this dynamism and the Spanish-Algerian gas crisis become just a station for the Algerian negotiator to seek Moroccan support?
Source:
http://english.daralhayat.com/opini...150d20-c0a8-10ed-01b2-ede876346666/story.html